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CHAPTER 2
Culture Counts: The Influence of Culture and Society on Mental Health, Mental Illness
Culture of the Clinician
As noted earlier, a group of professionals can be said to have a “culture”
in the sense that they have a shared set of beliefs, norms, and values.
This culture is reflected in the jargon members of a group use, in the
orientation and emphasis in their textbooks, and in their mindset, or
way of looking at the world.
Health professionals in the United States, and the institutions in which they
train and practice, are rooted in Western medicine. The culture of Western
medicine, launched in ancient Greece, emphasizes the primacy of the human
body in disease.2 Further, Western medicine emphasizes
the acquisition of knowledge through scientific and empirical methods,
which hold objectivity para-mount. Through these methods, Western medicine
strives to uncover universal truths about disease, its causation, diagnosis,
and treatment.
Around 1900, Western medicine started to conceptualize disease as affected
by social, as well as by biological phenomena. Its scope began to
incorporate wider questions of income, lifestyle, diet, employment, and
family structure, thereby ushering in the broader field of public health
(Porter, 1997; see also Chapter 1).
Mental health professionals trace their roots to Western medicine and, more particularly, to two major European milestones — the first forms of biological
psychiatry in the mid-19th century and the advent of psychotherapy (or
“talk therapy”) near the end of that century (Shorter, 1997).
The earliest forms of biological psychiatry primed the path for more than
a century of advances in pharmacological therapy, or drug treatment, for
mental illness. The original psychotherapy, known as psychoanalysis, was
founded in Vienna by Sigmund Freud. While many forms of psychotherapy
are available today, with vastly different orientations, all emphasize
verbal communication between patient and therapist as the basis of treatment.
Today's treatments for specific mental disorders also may combine
pharmacological therapy and psychotherapy; this approach is known as multimodal
therapy. These two types of treatment and the intellectual and scientific
traditions that galvanized their development are an outgrowth of Western
medicine.
To say that physicians or mental health professionals have their own
culture does not detract from the universal truths discovered by
their fields. Rather, it means that most clinicians share a worldview
about the interrelationship among body, mind, and environment, informed
by knowledge acquired through the scientific method. It also means that
clinicians view symptoms, diagnoses, and treatments in a manner that sometimes
diverges from their patients. “[Clinicians’] conceptions of
disease and [their] responses to it unquestionably show the imprint of
[a] particular culture, especially its individualist and activist therapeutic
mentality,” writes sociologist of medicine Paul Starr (1982).
Because of the professional culture of the clinician, some degree of distance
between clinician and patient always exists, regardless of the ethnicity
of each (Burkett, 1991). Clinicians also bring to the therapeutic setting
their own personal cultures (Hunt, 1995; Porter, 1997). Thus, when clinician
and patient do not come from the same ethnic or cultural background, there
is greater potential for cultural differences to emerge. Clinicians may
be more likely to ignore symptoms that the patient deems important, or
less likely to understand the patient’s fears, concerns, and needs.
The clinician and the patient also may harbor different assumptions about
what a clinician is supposed to do, how a patient should act, what causes
the illness, and what treatments are available. For these reasons, DSM-IV
exhorts clinicians to understand how their relationship with the patient
is affected by cultural differences (Chapter 1).
Communication
The emphasis on verbal communication is a distinguishing feature of the mental
health field. The diagnosis and treatment of mental disorders depend to
a large extent on verbal communication between patient and clinician about
symptoms, their nature, intensity, and impact on functioning (Chapter
1). While many mental health professionals strive to deliver treatment
that is sensitive to the culture of the patient, problems can occur.
The emphasis on verbal communication yields greater potential for miscommunication
when clinician and patient come from different cultural backgrounds, even
if they speak the same language. Overt and subtle forms of miscommunication
and misunderstanding can lead to misdiagnosis, conflicts over treatment,
and poor adherence to a treatment plan. But when patient and clinician
do not speak the same language, these problems intensify. The importance
of cross-cultural communication in establishing trusting relationships
between clinician and patient is just beginning to be explored through
research in family practice (Cooper-Patrick et al., 1999) and mental health
(see later section on “Culturally Competent Services”).
Primary Care
Primary care is a critical portal to mental health treatment for ethnic
and racial minorities. Minorities are more likely to seek help in primary
care as opposed to specialty care, and cross-cultural problems may surface
in either setting (Cooper-Patrick et al., 1999). Primary care providers,
particularly under the constraints of man-aged care, may not have the
time or capacity to recognize and diagnose mental disorders or to
treat them adequately, especially if patients have co-existing physical
disorders (Rost et al., 2000). Some estimates suggest that about one–third
to one–half of patients with mental disorders go undiagnosed
in primary care settings (Higgins, 1994; Williams et al., 1999). Minority
patients are among those at greatest risk of nondetection of mental disorders
in primary care (Borowsky et al., 2000). Missed or incorrect diagnoses
carry severe consequences if patients are given inappropriate or possibly
harmful treatments, while their underlying mental disorder is left untreated.
Clinician Bias and Stereotyping
Misdiagnosis also can arise from clinician bias and stereotyping of ethnic and
racial minorities. Clinicians often reflect the attitudes and discriminatory
practices of their society (Whaley, 1998). This institutional racism was
evident over a century ago with the establishment of a separate, completely
segregated mental hospital in Virginia for African American patients (Prudhomme
& Musto, 1973). While racism and discrimination have certainly diminished
over time, there are traces today which are manifest in less overt medical
practices concerning diagnosis, treatment, prescribing medications,
and referrals (Giles et al., 1995; Shiefer, Escarce, & Schulman, 2000).
One study from the mental health field found that African American youth
were four times more likely than whites to be physically restrained after
acting in similarly aggressive ways, suggesting that racial stereotypes
of blacks as violent motivated the professional judgment to have
them restrained (Bond et al., 1988). Another study found that white therapists
rated a videotape of an African American client with depression more negatively
than they did a white patient with identical symptoms (Jenkins-Hall
& Sacco, 1991).
There is ample documentation provided in Chapter 3 that African American patients
are subject to overdiagnosis of schizophrenia. African Americans
are also underdiagnosed for bipolar disorder (Bell et al., 1980, 1981;
Mukherjee, et al., 1983), depression, and, possibly, anxiety (Neal-Barnett
& Smith, 1997; Baker & Bell, 1999; Borowsky et al., 2000). The
problems extend beyond African Americans. Widely held stereotypes of Asian
Americans as “problem free” may prompt clinicians to
overlook their mental health problems (Takeuchi & Uehara, 1996).
The following chapters of this Supplement each cover diagnostic errors and inappropriate
treatment in greater detail. They also address the extent to which each
racial or ethnic minority group utilizes services or receives treatment
in conformance with treatment guide-lines developed from controlled clinical
trials. For example, minority patients are less likely than whites
to receive the best available treatments for depression and anxiety (Wang
et al., 2000; Young et al., 2001).
To infer a role for bias and stereotyping by clinicians does not prove that it
is actually occurring, nor does it indicate the extent to which it explains
disparities in mental health services. Some of the racial and ethnic disparities
described in this Supplement are likely the result of racism3
and discrimination by white clinicians; how-ever, the limited
research on this topic suggests that the issue is more complex. A large
study of cardiac patients could not attribute African Americans’
lower utilization of a cardiac procedure to the race of the physician.
Lower utilization by African American versus white patients was independent
of whether patients were treated by white or black physicians (Chen et
al., 2001). The study authors suggested the possibility that institutional
factors and attitudes that were common to black and white physicians contributed
to lower rates of utilization by black patients. Some have suggested that
what appears to be racial bias by clinicians might instead reflect biases
of their socioeconomic status or their professional culture (Epstein &
Ayanian, 2001). These biases, whether intentional or unintentional, may
be more powerful influences on care than the influence of the clinician’s
own race or ethnicity.
2 In very general terms, most other healing systems throughout
history conceived of sickness and health in the context of understanding
relations of human beings to the cosmos, including planets, stars, mountains,
rivers, deities, spirits, and ancestors (Porter 1997).
3 Defined in the next section of this chapter as “beliefs,
attitudes, and practices that denigrate individuals or groups because
of phenotypic characteristics or ethnic group affilliation...[which] can
be perpetrated by institutions or individuals, acting intentionally or
unintentionally.”
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